Drug Card Essay Example for Free

Drug Card Essay Vicodin - Indication: Relief of moderate to severe pain - Safe Range: Peds: lt;40kg 0. 2mg/kg-15mg/kg/dose q3-4h PRN. Maximum dose of acetaminophen 1000 mg/dose and 4000mg/day; Adult initially 10mg q3-4h PRN. - Action / Where does it do its job: Reduces intensity of pain stimuli incoming from sensory nerve endings, altering pain perception. Contraindications: None known. Previous hypersensitivity - Side Effects: Sedation, HOTN, diaphoresis, dizziness, facial flushing. Children lt;2 y. o. more susceptible to RESPIRATORY DEPRESSION. - Strengths: (Vicodin) hydrocodone/acteminophen 5/500 mg ; Vicodin ES h/a 7. 5/750 mg; Vicodin HP h/a 10/650mg and 10/660mg ; - - Drug Name: Hydrocodone/Acetaminophen Trade Name:  Norco - Indication: Relief of moderate to severe pain - Safe Range: Peds: lt;40kg 0. 2mg/kg-15mg/kg/dose q3-4h PRN. Maximum dose of acetaminophen 1000 mg/dose and 4000mg/day; Adult initially 10mg q3-4h PRN. - Action / Where does it do its job: Reduces intensity of pain stimuli incoming from sensory nerve endings, altering pain perception. Contraindications: None known ; Previous hypersensitivity - Side Effects: Sedation, HOTN, diaphoresis, dizziness, facial flushing. Children lt;2 y. o. more susceptible to RESPIRATORY DEPRESSION. - Strength: hydrocodone/acetaminophen 10mg/325 mg; 5mg//325mg, 7. 5mg/325mg - Drug Name: Acetaminophen/Codeine Trade Name: Tylenol with codeine - Indication: Mild to moderate pain, fever - Safe Range: 0. 5-1. 0mg/kg/dose q3-6h. [3-6 yo] Dose: 12 mg codeine PO q4-6h prn; [7-12 yo]Dose: 15-30 mg codeine PO q4-6h prn; [13-17 yo]Dose: 15-60 mg codeine PO q4-6h prn; Max: 60 mg/dose, 360 mg/day codeine; 1 g/4h and 4 g/day acetaminophen; Alt: 0. 5-1 mg/kg codeine PO q4-6h prn; - Action / Where does it do its job:  Ã‚  Inhibits the synthesis of prostaglandins that may serve as mediators of pain and fever, primarily in the CNS. Contraindications: Previous hypersensitivity. Active alcoholism, hepatic disease, severe renal impairment, phenylketonuria, G6PD deficiency. - Side Effects: hypersensitivity reaction, hepatotoxicity, hepatic failure, renal failure. - Strength: Codeine with acetaminophen 30/300mg ; 60/300mg; Tylenol with codeine solution ( codeine 12mg/acet. 120mg/5ml)

Carnival Major Aspect Of Trinidadian Culture Social Policy Essay

Carnival Major Aspect Of Trinidadian Culture Social Policy Essay What is culture? According to La Belle and Ward (1996), a current definition of culture encompasses the shared attributes which delineate one group as separate from another ( p. 28). A slightly more specific definition for this very broad term comes from Frantz Fanon who says that a culture is first and foremost the expression of a nation, its preferences, its taboos, and its models (2004, p.177). From this standpoint we will examine Trinidadian culture or more specifically the significance of Carnival, an integral part of Trinidadian culture, as an outpouring of expression which originated with the French Roman Catholic aristocracy and later was influenced by slaves and former slaves. We will also examine the role it plays in inspiring national pride and uniting the Trinidadian diaspora. According to Mr. Walcott we have lost much of our historical legacy and it is from this loss and the consequent necessity for something to fill that void that the innovation of our culture (i.e. Caribbean culture) materialized (Walcott, 1974, p. 6). I disagree with Mr. Walcott on this point. I believe that a great deal of history was lost yes, whether it is because it was irrelevant as he says or not is in itself immaterial for the purpose of this discussion. It is my opinion that culture was not simply an upwelling of inventiveness due to large gaps in historical memory, but also an amalgamation of what historical heritage was left behind regardless of the fact that it was in tatters. If we take Carnival as an isolated part of culture, this point can be proven as we examine the origins of Carnival and see for ourselves that it began in Trinidad with a French Roman Catholic tradition of the aristocracy (Zavitz Allahar, 2002) in the pre-emancipation era as a last prelenten celebratio n, which symbolized the abandonment of propriety. It was transformed with the advent of emancipation from a celebration in the form of masked balls, song, drama and dance which indirectly, covertly and subversively confronted issues of social restrictions of class and race, since most wore masks, into a fusion in the post-emancipation period of West African religious practices and beliefs and the pre-existing French celebration (Nurse, 1999). The initial celebration of Carnival by the recently freed slaves was in the form of re-enacting a scene that they had become all too familiar with and which they had named Cannes Brulà ©es or burning cane (Carnival). This is one instance of creation such as that which Mr. Walcott speaks of, however we can clearly see that the entirety of the Carnival practice, once taken as a whole, contains old and new elements, old from both French and African historical celebrations separately and new from the synthesis of new ideas based on experiences and the mixing of two cultures together, one forcibly oppressed for many years, and the other, living in extravagance comparatively. Let us now take a look at what Carnival is, what it symbolizes presently for the citizens of Trinidad and Tobago. Carnival as seen by the spectator and masquerader alike is not viewed as anything static. It is a dynamic and fluid process (Green, 2007, p. 206). It is a vibrant, exuberant, triumphant, colourful display on the one hand of freedom from ones inhibitions as passed down from the originators of this festival, in which fast-paced, up-tempo music urges revelers to jump and gyrate in time with the syncopations of the melodic soca music (Green, 2007, pp. 207-208). Feathers, beads, staffs, headbands, bright dramatic make-up, sequins, beads and all manner of shiny things bob and weave with the rhythm of the uninhibited who proudly bare their costumes and newly fit bodies for cameras and tourists alike. Big music trucks patrol the streets with thousands cavorting to the tune reverberating from the massive speakers that take up the entire truck-cab and face in all directions. This m addeningly spectacular display of peacock-like feathers, glitter and lithe bodies strutting to the beat, begins on Carnival Monday morning with JOuvert which means opening of the day and continues right through into LasLap on Tuesday night until the stroke of midnight (Scher, 2002, p. 461). This is the part of Carnival that is marketed, packaged and sold to the masses every year. The package includes the enticement of watching steel-bands vie for the title of champion in the Queens Park Savannah, during Panorama, the most renowned steelpan competition during the Carnival season. It is not to say that this is all that Carnival consists of, however when considering the diasporic culture of expatriate Trinis, as they are called, and their descendants, these are the images that bring to life that longing for the homeland and have inspired stirrings in the soul to return to Trinidad, just to participate in this festival of colour and unadulterated elation. The term diasporic mentioned re fers to the dispersion of a community away from its homeland to more than one peripheral region, which remembers or has some cultural connection to the homeland and is not fully acknowledged as a member of the current country (Clifford, 1994, p. 304). Although they may be expatriates, during the Carnival season, many Trinis faithfully return home to take part in festivities and can be heard speaking d lingo of dey people even if with a slight North American twist. As was stated by Clifford (1994) the language of diaspora is increasingly invoked by displaced peoples who feel a connection with a prior home (p.310). Many Caribbeans in New York, for example, have maintained a sense of connection with their home islands, a distinct sense of cultural, and sometimes class, identity that sets them apart from African Americans (Clifford, 1994, p. 315). The reclamation of ties to the homeland can also be seen through the migration of the celebration of Carnival to major cities around the world. This repossession can be accounted for by marginalization and experiences of discrimination and exclusion (Clifford, 1994, p. 311). It is the way that the diasporic mentality makes up for the bad experiences (Clifford, 1994). It also however speaks t o the issue of nationalism. Expatriates and their descendants must look to Trinidad for innovations in the Carnival arts (Green, 2007, p. 213) speaks to the issue of national pride as well and the refusal to allow the denigration of the achievements of the nation. I digress here to discuss this issue of nationalism and national pride. Nationalism, according to Greenfeld (2006) refers to the set of ideas and sentiments which form the conceptual framework of national identity (p.69). Four concepts that are key to Greenfelds theory that factor in here in our discussion are: equality, respect, dignity and citizenship(2006. She says that the fact that ones national identity is coupled with dignity and self-respect, due to the elevation of citizens to the level of membership in the nation, guarantees ones investment in the community that constitutes the nation. The dignity imparted with feeling like one belongs is what spurs national pride. The prestige associated with that feeling of belonging encourages international competition. This concept speaks to the pride that Trinidadians feel, particularly at Carnival time, possibly more so than at any other time of the year, on professing that, yes they come from the land of Carnival and pretty mas and w hats more they know how to wine. It may well be that other islands craved the sense of pride that they saw in Trinidadians at some point since we are told that it is from Trinidads Carnival that they take their inspiration, form, and structure (Cohen, 2007, p. 898). I dont suppose we will ever know if this adoption of carnival stemmed from regional competition or from a different historical legacy. In support of this argument that Carnival has inspired national pride we look to Mr. Green, who talks about how these other carnivals derived from Trinidadian Carnival has instilled a certain drive in Trinidadians to have their originality and cultural innovation recognized and their country acknowledged as the birthplace of the copycat Carnival that is now marketed in at least three major metropolitan centers internationally: Toronto, London and Brooklyn respectively (Green, 2007, pp. 210-213). Even still, we find that the visitors still number in the thousands to Trinidad for Carnival each year. Currently, most of those who come to Carnival are either expatriate Trinidadians or individuals who are very familiar with some aspect of the Carnival (Green, 2007, p. 206). But non-Trinidadians and descendants of Trinidadians living abroad also learn about theCarnival-like events inspired by Trinidad Carnival Caribana, Notting Hill, and West Indian-American Day among them, in the three afo rementioned major cities respectively (Green, 2007, pp. 210-211). We can see from the comments made by the interviewee in Mr. Greens article, that national pride and the resultant desire to seek the nations interest in reclaiming what is rightfully Trinidadian is spawned from the prospect of stolen ideas and the frustration at other countries inadequate imitations of a distinctive cultural marker People in promoting their own Carnival based on Trinidads Carnival, forget about Trinidad So we have got to look after our own laurels to re-establish ourselves And once we do that, people will remember that this is the Mecca, this is where you come for the real things that are rich and flavorful and tasty about Carnival (interview, 13 August 1993) (Green, 2007, p. 212). We learn that sadly, it is mostly Trinidadian expatriates and individuals who have had some exposure to some aspect of Carnival, who come to visit each year (Green, 2007, p. 206). It is still encouraging from my standpoint however to know that non-Trinidadians and descendants of Trinidadia ns living abroad also learn about Carnival-like events created by Trinidadians inspired by Trinidad Carnival Caribana, Notting Hill, and West Indian-American Day among them, in the three aforementioned major cities respectively (Green, 2007, pp. 210-211). Even if the name of the country is mentioned and people are able to experience and capture some essence of what Carnival is about, we never know, it may instill in them the desire to come and visit Trinidad 1themselves. Carnival is broken down into parts and must be expressed in such a manner that can be experienced by others in order for it to be brought to the educational forum and projected into the public arena both nationally and internationally (Green, 2007, p. 207). It can be broken down into music, costumes, food and so on. The end to this breaking it down, when we consider edification of the nation in itself of its own tradition and festival , is cultural nationalism. Cultural nationalism as described by Mr. Green has as its aim to inculcate among members of the nation a sense of shared national culture, one that is not distorted by outside cultural influence (Green, 2007, p. 203). Simply put, this has the ability to put the citizens of Trinidad and Tobago in a position of stemming its vulnerability to outside cultural forces because it has been educated on the importance of its own. Globalization is inevitable, however, the question that has to be posed is how much is Trinidad willing to l ose its culture to other nations? How has Carnival indirectly affected culture negatively? It has opened the country up to the influences of massive influxes of tourists and the impact their culture has on the uneducated populace. Unfortunately though, as Derek Walcott so eloquently expressed his feelings of dependence on America that can be easily transmitted to many an educated Trinidadian regarding Carnival the more West Indian I become, the more I can accept my dependence on America not because America owes me a living from historical guilt, nor that it needs my presence, but because we share this part of the world, and have shared it for centuries now (La Belle Ward, 1996, p. 3). Again, the only solution to avoiding vulnerability and to ensuring sustainability of the festival and the uniqueness of Trinidads Carnival as opposed to what is being produced in the name of Carnival, is education. Now that Carnival has come to pass: national pride has been boosted, global awareness of the festival has exploded and tourism has grown as an industry during that period of time, the Carnival season. With increasing globalization, Trinidad stands to lose out on a large percentage of income and also the proper credit, recognition, and appreciation for what it has contributed to the world (Green, 2007, p. 214) that could be earned through these festivals, these pseudo-carnivals initiated by members of the diaspora uniting to recapture the essence of their homeland in metropolitan hubs around the world. The positive side of the coin is global recognition for innovativeness and diversity as a culture. What will become of Carnival and Trinidadian national pride in the years to come? We will have to wait and see. REFERENCES Carnival. (n.d.). Retrieved November 23rd, 2009, from Trinidad and Tobago National Library and Information System Authority Web site: http://library2.nalis.gov.tt/Default.aspx?PageContentID=206tabid=161 Clifford, J. (1994). Diasporas. Cultural Anthropology , 9 (3), 302-338. Cohen, C. B. (2007). Trinidad Carnival Today: Local Culture in a Global Context. Anthropological Quarterly , 80 (3), 897-902. Fanon, F. (2004). On National Culture. In F. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (p. 177). New York: Grove Press. Green, G. L. (2007). Come to Life: Authenticity, Value, and the Carnival as Cultural Commodity in Trinidad and Tobago. Identites: Global Studies in Culture and Power , 14 (1/2), 203-224. Greenfeld, L. (2006). Nationalism and the Mind: Essays on Modern Culture. Oneworld Publications. La Belle, T. J., Ward, C. R. (1996). Ethnic Studies and Multiculturalism. New York: State University of New York Press. Nurse, K. (1999). Globalization and Trinidad Carnival:Diaspora, Hybridity and Identity in Global Culture. Cultural Studies , 13 (4), 661-690. Scher, P. W. (2002). Copyright Heritage: Preservation, Carnival and the State in Trinidad. Anthropological Quarterly , 75 (3), 453-484. Walcott, D. (1974). The Caribbean: Culture or Mimicry. Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs , 16 (1), 3-13. Zavitz, A. L., Allahar, A. L. (2002). Racial Politics and Cultural Identity in Trinidads Carnival. Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research , 2 (2), 125-145.

Racism In Contemporary Britain

Racism In Contemporary Britain The existence of races in a given society presupposes the presence of racism, for without racism, physical characteristics are devoid of social significance (Van den Berghe, 1978, p.11). This represents a tension, explored within this essay, between the inability to categorise human beings into separate races on the basis of physical difference (Peoples and Bailey, 2011) and the fact that such categorisation occurs, based on the misconception that socially constructed concepts of racial difference are an objective reality (Barak et al., 2010). As the existence of race relies fundamentally upon its construction within society (Marger, 2011), it appears, within this essay, as race. In examining the existence of racism in contemporary Britain, a number of definitions will be explored, however, a commonality among them is their dependence on the definition of race, demonstrating, I would argue, the equally, socially, constructed, nature of racism (Capdevila and Callaghan, 2007). By examining Immigration and Asylum policy, this essay will analyse how differing definitions of racism, explain its continued existence, within a seemingly tolerant society (Wemyss, 2009). It also considers how immigrants and asylum seekers are perceived and treated within society, because in addition to occurring at policy level, racism is a lived experience (Lentin, 2011). I do not consider the definitions examined, namely biological, new, institutional and cultural racism, to be an exhaustive list and recognise that considering its existence from other constructs, may give a different picture of contemporary Britain, further demonstrating the need for a critical approach to concepts of racism and its existence within society (Zamudio et al., 2011). I will conclude by exploring whether accurately defining racism, impacts its prevalence, or whether pursuing the eradication of negative life chances, for minority ethnic groups, is not more beneficial than the categorisation of discri mination. Although it is now commonly recognised that there are no biological differences, by which races can be categorised (Nanda and Warms, 2010), this concept continues to create the foundation for biological racism and associates such difference with a behavioural hierarchy in terms of morals and intellect (Smedley and Smedley, 2005). This concept of hierarchy, I would argue, is integral to racism, in that the self is constructed as superior and the other as inferior (Rivers, 2008). Having proven the non-existence of race, this form of racism could be considered outdated and irrelevant, however, I would argue that its prevalence is still apparent within scientific discourse and public opinion (Lentin, 2011). In recent political debate, for example, around reducing the spread of HIV within the UK, by providing free treatment to foreign nationals (HAUK Select Committee, 2011), objectors have argued that this will increase immigration, out of a desire for free medical treatment (Department o f Health, 2005). Whilst I would not deny the greater prevalence of HIV in some parts of the world, and therefore some ethnic groups, associating this with the motivation for immigration, within such ethnic groups, being to take advantage of free resources, I would argue, has biologically racist undertones. In addition, there is no evidence that the provision of free HIV treatment would create such health tourism (NAT., 2008). With racism being legislated against (Race Relations Act, 1976), racist undertones are now more common than overt racism, when taking a biologically racist perspective (Jiwani and Richardson, 2011) and the denial of racism within Immigration and Asylum policy, arguing that its not racist to impose limits on immigration (Conservative Party, 2005), is unsurprising. Whilst immigration rules, by their nature, discriminate between those who have, and do not have, the right to remain in the UK, I would argue that this discrimination is only biologically racist, if decisions are made on the basis of physical difference. As such, it could be argued that the Conservative discourse is justified, in that some criterion are required for immigration control, but that such rules do not refer to particular racial groups having characteristics determining their suitability for immigration (Sriskandarajah, 2006). Whilst this argument does not necessarily prove the lack of racism within Immigration Po licy, it demonstrates how one definition of racism, in this case biological, can be used to deny its existence, whereas, as this essay will demonstrate, constructing alternative definitions highlights greater prevalence of racism within Immigration and Asylum policy. A combination of factors, including legislation, scientific rationale behind the non-existence of race and eugenics movements, have resulted in traditional forms of racism being constructed as socially unacceptable, causing a reduction, although not eradication, in overt, racist behaviour and a denial of racist intent (Romm, 2010). If my understanding of racism, therefore, were restricted to a biological definition, I might argue that its existence within contemporary Britain has reduced. By redefining racism, however, in the light of its social unacceptability, to subtler, indirect forms, the existence of racism, I would argue, in both Immigration and Asylum policy and wider British society, can still be seen. This subtler definition, known as New Racism (Collins and Solomos, 2010), argues that the same belief in racial superiority underpins many current discourses, but that new language is used to represent these traditional beliefs, for example, substituting race with immigrant or asylum seeker (Kimber, 2010). Returning to the Conservative Manifesto (2005), if no inference of racism exists within policy proposals, then why is there a need for rhetoric which defends a non-racist position? The powerful use of language is evident in this kind of discourse, because in addition to denying racist intent, arguments are constructed, such that, accusations of racism are deemed irrational, making any covert or indirect forms of racism difficult to challenge (Goodman and Burke, 2011). In Conservative leader, Michael Howards election campaign (2005), for example, the need for stricter immigration control is argued to be based on common sense, rather than racist principles. Mr. Howard categorises immigrants as good and bad, with those being different and not encompassing British values, deemed bad (Btihaj, 2006). Being a child of immigrants, he classifies himself a good immigrant, for whom racism is unacceptable because he is one of them, however, Michael is white, and therefore does not look different and his immigrant Father is Romanian, a Christian, European country whose values and cultures are more in line with Britishness than perhaps, non-white, non-Christian countries, making conforming to the image of good immigrant, much easier for him (Capdevila and Callaghan, 2007). In this way, I would argue that, although new language is used, racist beliefs underpin this discourse, in describing acceptable immigrants as white, with similar culture and values, and conversely less acceptable immigrants, as non-white individuals, refusing to conform to our culture and values. A biological definition would deny racism within this speech, whereas, a new racism definition highlights underlying racist discourse, which may result in the implementation of racist immigration policies. I would argue that this further demonstrates the contested and constructed nature of racism, which can be made to exist, or not, on the basis of its definition. This coded use of language can also be seen in wider public attitudes, within the UK. Where terms like lazy, stupid and unprincipled were historically used to describe racial groups, they are now connected with immigrants and asylum seekers (Craig, 2007). Similarly, Finney and Peach (2006) found that although discriminatory views have shifted from race to immigrants and asylum seekers, similar language, and reasons for feelings of animosity, are used in describing both groups. A biologically racist perspective, could argue that attitudes toward ethnic minorities have improved within the UK, but I would argue that, considering a new racism definition, although language and focus have changed, racist attitudes still prevail within contemporary British society. Another perspective in understanding racism, is to consider how policies, decision making and institutional practices create and define racism, rather than individual belief systems. This institutional definition of racism, argues that, policies are constructed to both subordinate, and maintain control over, particular racial groups (Carmichael and Hamilton, 1969). In this way, racism is the creation of inferiority through the implementation of organisational policies and procedures (Better, 2008) and is rooted in the processes of established and respected forces within society, which I would argue makes them less likely to be challenged than individual acts of racism (Carmichael and Hamilton, 1969). Institutional racism can occur unintentionally, by unwitting prejudice and racial stereotyping creating policies and cultural practices which disadvantage ethnic minorities (Macpherson, 1999). The complexity of institutional racism is that, organisations cannot make decisions or policies , without the presence of individuals and therefore questions whether an institution can be racist, or whether racism results from the influence of individuals within that institution (Roush, 2008). The UK Border Agency, in working predominantly with immigrants and asylum seekers, in my view, holds significant potential for institutional racism. Whether such racism is intentional is contested, but irrespectively, I would argue that, some immigration policies disproportionately disadvantage certain ethnic minorities. Recent changes to work permit policies, for example, mean that restaurants employing chefs from outside the EU, must find applicants with at least 5 years experience and graduate-level qualifications, paying them at least  £28,260 a year (Home Office, 2011). Although this policy is applied to all restaurants and its implementation aims to prioritise jobs for British citizens, I would argue that restaurants providing cuisine originating outside Europe, are likely to be disproportionately impacted by this policy and that such businesses are likely to be owned by, and employing individuals of, ethnic minorities (Khaleeli, 2012). In this way, whether intentionally or n ot, I would argue that these immigration changes are institutionally racist, in that their negative impact, upon ethnic minorities, is unjustifiably disproportionate. This again demonstrates, I would argue, how the definition of racism taken, can significantly impact its perceived existence within contemporary British society. A biological definition, for example, would argue that decisions are not being made on the basis of physical difference, as all individuals are receiving the same treatment, and therefore the policy is not racist. Similarly, new racism, by examining the language used, could still conclude that the intention of this policy, is not to favour any particular racial group. The difference, I would argue, with institutional racism, is that intent is less important than impact and therefore, racism can be deemed to exist if the outcomes for ethnic minorities are disproportionately worse than the general population, which in regard to this policy, I would argue, could be the case. The final perspective being explored, cultural racism, is argued by some to simply be an extension of new racism (Jacobson, 2008). Within immigration and asylum discourse, however, I would argue, the language of culture so frequently replaces that of race, as to make a distinct exploration of cultural racism beneficial (Diller, 2010). Cultural racism relates to the belief that less dominant cultures are dysfunctional, maladaptive or even deviant, emphasising individual failings, rather than a societal failure to accommodate difference (Williams, 2007). Although it could be argued that this moves too far from a valid definition of racism, this depends upon how race is defined and if there are no biological differences by which races can be categorised, then the socially constructed differences which create racism, may also be cultural differences (Pon, 2009). In this way cultural racism is both the negatively, differential treatment on the basis of cultural difference (Hill, 2008) and the denial of opportunity to express ones culture (Ford, 2005). Muslims are frequently constructed, for example, as a homogenous group, when in reality the diversity of individuals classifying themselves as Muslim, is too vast to validate a single identity (Al-Azmeh, 2007). Despite this, the term Muslim has become a way of describing ethnicity, both in politics and public opinion (Wilson, 2007). This process of homogenisation, I would argue, has caused ideas of fundamentalism, and terrorist intent, to be attributed to the Muslim identity, constructing them, in some respects, as an enemy of British society (Todorov and Brown, 2010). This is not only a discriminatory and inaccurate portrayal of a diverse group, but also culturally racist in the way such beliefs are played out in the implementation of policy and treatment of Muslims within British society (Qasmiyeh, 2010). This can be seen in proposed legislative changes, following the terrorist attacks of September 2001, where Prime Minister, Tony Blair, argued a need for increased ability to exclu de and remove those suspected of terrorism and those seeking to abuse the asylum system (Hansard, 2001). In addition, in describing the attacks, Mr. Blair highlighted the terrorists motivation as a religious obligation set out in the Islamic Holy text, the Koran (ibid). This demonstrates, I would argue, an underlying discourse associating both Muslims and asylum seekers with terrorism (Huysmans and Alessandra, 2008). Further political statements in the subsequent decade, I would argue, cemented this construction of Muslims as the enemy (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009). In 2006, for example, a report on countering terrorism (Cabinet Office, 2006) concluded that the most prominent threat came from Islamist extremists. Furthermore John Denham, as Home Office minister, suggested that behind a minority group of terrorists, sat a wider Islamic community, who considered terrorism to be a legitimate response to current concerns (Denham, 2007). A consequence of this negative construction of Muslims, I would argue, is the discriminatory treatment of immigrants and asylum seekers who identify as Muslim (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009). Risk-profiling computers, for example, determining on entry to the UK who should be scanned, searched and questioned, have been found to focus upon Muslim-specific behaviours, categorising practising Muslims as high risk (Webber, 2012). This is a clear demonstration, I would argue, of cultural racism, in determining negatively, differential treatment on the basis of cultural identity, further highlighting how the existence of racism, is very much dependent upon the way in which it is defined. Biological racism, for example, would argue that the range of ethnic diversity within Islam, indicates that any discriminatory treatment toward Muslims, cannot be racist, as underlying, discriminatory, motivations are not based upon biological difference. Similarly, although much of the discrimination explor ed, occurs at an institutional level, Institutional Racism is based on the impact of policies and practices upon racial, not cultural or religious, groups and so would not consider the matters explored to prove the existence of racism, within contemporary British society. Having considered varying definitions of racism, I would conclude that its existence, within contemporary British society, is complex and can be argued to be both prevalent and a thing of the past (Rattansi, 2007). By taking a biological perspective, this essay has considered that, although racist undertones may exist in some immigration and asylum discourse, its prevalence within British society is decreasing (Day, 2011). Alternatively, by taking an institutional view, where it is not intent but impact which is measured, the existence of racism has been highlighted, through some UK policies and institutions disproportionately, disadvantaging ethnic minorities. Similarly, by considering racism from the perspective of new language being used in place of traditionally racist terms, the prevalence of racism increases significantly, specifically, as this essay had demonstrated, within Immigration and Asylum policy. Finally, by extending this new racism definition to the replacement of ra cialised language, with that of culture, this essay has demonstrated how specific groups continue to experience significant levels of racism within British society, both in terms of policy construction and public attitude (Allen, 2010). Reflecting upon these various constructions of racism, I would argue that its perceived existence is highly dependent upon the definition used. Whilst this analysis has examined the existence of racism, it could be said that it does not explain its existence. Why is it that some groups consider it appropriate to negatively treat others, on the basis of their race? I would argue that the answer to this, is power. With biological racism, it is seen in the superiority and inferiority of racial groups, on the premise that biological difference creates a natural hierarchy. With new racism, it is seen in powerful discourses which paint racist ideologies as rational and in the best interests of Britain, whilst in reality maintaining the authoritative position of the powerful (Capedevila and Callaghan, 2007). With institutional racism, it is seen in those with the power to create policy and organisational procedures, constructing these to maximise the benefits for themselves and maintain their position of authority. Finally, with cultural racism, it is seen in the view that inferior and less developed cultures should be discarded an d individuals from such cultural groups assimilated into the dominant culture, accepting the superiority of these cultural norms. In light of this, I would argue, that if the existence of racism is determined by its definition and the purpose of racism is to maintain power, then a critical understanding of the constructed nature of racism, is paramount in assessing the discourses and policy proposals of those with such power. This reflection has also caused me to question the extent to which an academic pursuit of categorising behaviours, policies and ideologies as racist, is beneficial and if instead, it is deflecting the focus from challenging negative discrimination, faced by certain groups, irrespective of their experience fitting our socially constructed definition of racism. In conclusion, however, I would argue that, as racism is now considered both legally and morally wrong, if it can be accurately defined and its existence proved and highlighted, then work can be achieved towards its eradication (Cole, 2009).

Euthanasia Must Not Be Legalized Essay -- Arguments Against Euthanasia

Presently, many cases of euthanasia had occurred around the world. Many a time we will stop and ask whether the person has anymore hope to live as a normal person. At the end it is left to the court to decide whether the people live or die. But why does the patient or the guardian choose euthanasia when they can live a longer time with their loved ones. Some might ask whether it is worth to see your loved ones suffering, wouldn’t it be better to end the suffering? To answer this question we must know what euthanasia means. According to Fergusson(1992) euthanasia which comes from the Greek word ‘eu-thanatos’ which means â€Å"well death† or â€Å"good death†(Fergusson, A. 1992). Besides that according to the oxford dictionary sixth edition (1986) the definition of euthanasia is to† bring about gentle death especially in the case of incurable and painful disease†. According to the Journal of the Americans Medical Association (as cite d in BBC,n.d) there are more than one way of defining good death(BBC,n.d). This means that good death is define according to one personal view of euthanasia or when he is in a situation that is critical to his health. Some people want to die a death that involves less pain. According to BBC(n.d) voluntary euthanasia happens when voluntary death is define as the request for mercy killing is done (BBC,n.d). According to BBC(n.d) non-voluntary euthanasia happens when the patient is unconscious(BBC,n.d). There are two concepts of euthanasia. One is â€Å"active† and the other â€Å"passive euthanasia†. As BBC (n.d) pointed out active euthanasia is define as when there is an intentional action that causes the patient to die(BBC,n.d). This means an act to kill the patient instantly, whereas passive euthanasia accordi... ....pg4 Ostler,G & Swannell,J.(1986) The Little Oxford Dictionary. Oxford university Gibb,Frances.(2009,June 3). Debbie Purdy takes assisted suicide case to the house of lords. The Times. Retrieve from http://business.timesonline.co.uk/tol/business/law/article6414255.ece House of lords,(2004) Assisted Dying for the Terminally Ill Bill[PDF Document]. Retrieved from http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200304/ldbills/017/2004017.pdf Politics.uk.co (2005,Jun 25) .Euthanasia . Politics.uk.co. retrieved from http://www.politics.co.uk/briefings-guides/issue-briefs/health/euthanasia-$366667.htm The UK Statue Law database(n,d) Suicide Act 1961 Twycross,G,R.(1993).A Doctor Dilemma. Journal of The Christian medical Fellowship,pg1 WHO,(n.d).Palliative care .World Health organization. Retrieved from http://www.who.int/cancer/palliative/definition/en/

The Dreamers of The Glass Menagerie :: Glass Menagerie essays

The Dreamers of The Glass Menagerie "The Glass Menagerie" by Tennessee Williams shows the struggle of two people to fit into society, Tom and Laura, and how society wouldn't accept them. They were the dreamers that were unjustly kept out and you may even go as far as to say persecuted into staying out and aloof like the other dreamers which are forced to become outcasts and not contribute to the actions of all. Tom and Laura, the two dreamers, were pushed by their mom, Amanda, to her frame of mind and the thoughts of a hard working society. They both stumbled on the fire escape which served as a gateway, physically and mentally. Tom had the problem of fitting in at the warehouse were he worked, because is the warehouse really a place for someone like him and his mind rebelled. Lastly you can see how society forced them to change and Laura to lose her status in order to fit in with Jim and that's shown by the horn breaking. Tom then realizes that and leaves which causes him to change too. Tennessee Williams artfully depicted this. The fire escape. A downtrodden red thing off the sides of buildings showing societies ineffectual escape from itself. In this case it served as a passageway between the real world and the dream one that Laura and Tom were living in at home. Both somehow stumbled both physically and mentally. When Laura said â€Å"I'm all right. I slipped but I'm all right†(47). She was trying to pass to the real world to do a real job and couldn't because of societies â€Å"inability† to accept her and her ways. She wasn't strong enough to make the trip by herself, but needed the moral support of the other dreamer in the area, which was Tom who came running out. Tom is the one who stumbles mentally in his inability to look at the escape, which would be his way out of the place. He was always losing his strength while out there smoking and looking out into the world. Recognizing the sounds and trying to connect but unable to. He was forced away and unable to bring up the strength inside himself to go out and leave and to stay strong as a dreamer. Forced by society to use it as a gateway instead of just keeping it the same and just a mode of transportation to go down. Every night you hear Tom say, "I'm going to the movies" (42). He uses that as an escape of the imagination which is what made him a dreamer.

Night World : Spellbinder Chapter 5

What?† Thea said. This was something she could speak out about. â€Å"Blaise, are you out of your mind?† â€Å"I hope you're not saying you don't want to do spells,† Blaise said dangerously. â€Å"That's part of it, you know.† â€Å"I'm saying there's no way we can get enough blood to fill this without them noticing. What are we going to tell them? ‘I just want a little to remember you by?'† â€Å"Use your ingenuity,† Vivienne said musically, twining a red-gold strand of hair around her fingers. â€Å"In a pinch we could always use the Cup of Lethe,† Blaise added calmly. â€Å"Then no matter what we do, they won't remember.† Thea nearly fell over. What Blaise was suggesting was like using a nuclear bomb to swat a fly. â€Å"You are crazy,† she said quietly. â€Å"You know that maidens aren't allowed to use that kind of spell, and we probably won't even be able to use it when we're mothers, and probably not even when we're crones. That's stuff for the elders.† She stared at Blaise until the gray eyes dropped. â€Å"I don't believe in classifying some spells as forbidden,† Blaise said loftily, but she didn't look back at Thea and she didn't pursue the subject. As she and Dani left the patio, Thea noticed that Dani had taken one of the small vials. â€Å"Are you going to the dance?† â€Å"I guess so.† Dani shrugged lithe shoulders. â€Å"John Finkelstein from our world lit class asked me a couple weeks ago. I've never been to one of their dances before-but maybe this is the time to start.† Now what did that mean? Thea felt uneasy. â€Å"And you're planning to put a spell on him?† â€Å"You mean this?† She twisted the vial in her fingers. â€Å"I don't know. I figured I'd take it just in case†¦.† She looked up at Thea defensively. â€Å"You took one for Eric.† Thea hesitated. She hadn't talked to Dani about Eric yet. Part of her wanted to and part of her was scared. What did Dani really think of Outsiders, anyway? â€Å"After all,† Dani said, her sweet face tranquil, â€Å"they're only humans.† Saturday night Thea took a dress out of the closet. It was pale green-so pale that it almost looked white-and designed along Grecian lines. Witch clothes had to feel good as well as look good, and this dress was soft and lightweight, swirling beautifully when she turned. Blaise wasn't wearing a dress. She was wearing a tuxedo. It had a red silk bow tie and cummerbund and it looked fantastic on her. This is probably going to be the only dance in history where the most popular girl has on cufflinks, Thea thought. Eric arrived right on time. He knocked at the front door of the shop, the door that only Outsiders used. Night People came around back, to a door that was unmarked except for what looked like a bit of graffiti-a spray-painted black dahlia. Okay, Thea thought. She took a deep breath before she unlocked the door and let him in. This is business, business, business†¦. But the first moment wasn't as awkward as she'd feared. He smiled and held out a corsage of white orchids. She smiled and took it. Then she said, â€Å"You look nice.† His suit was pale fatigue brown, loose and comfortable looking. â€Å"Me? You look nice. I mean-you look wonderful. That color makes your hair look just like gold.† Then he glanced down at himself apologetically. â€Å"I don't go to many dances, I'm afraid.† â€Å"Don't you?† She'd heard girls talking about him at school. It seemed as if everyone liked him, wanted to get close to him. â€Å"No, I'm usually pretty busy. You know, working, playing sports.† He added more softly, â€Å"And I have a hard time thinking of things to say around girls.† Funny, you never seem to have a problem around me, Thea thought. She saw him looking the shop over. â€Å"It's my grandmother's store. She sells all kinds of things here, from all around the world.† She watched him closely. This was an important test. If he-a human-believed in this stuff, he was either a New Age geek or dangerously close to the truth. â€Å"It's cool,† he said, and she was happy to see that he was lying. â€Å"I mean,† he said, obviously struggling to find a polite way to praise the voodoo dolls and wand crystals, â€Å"I think people can really affect their bodies by changing their state of mind.† You don't know how right you are, Thea thought. There was a clack of high heels on wood, and Blaise came down the stairs. Her shoes appeared first, then her fitted trouser legs, then all the curves, emphasized here and there with brilliant red silk. Finally came her shoulders and head, her midnight hair half up and half down, framing her face in stormy dark curls. Thea glanced sideways at Eric. He was smiling at Blaise, but not in the goofy, dying-sheep way other guys smiled. His was just a genuine grin. â€Å"Hi, Blaise,† he said. â€Å"Going to the dance? We can take you if you need a lift.† Blaise stopped dead. Then she gave him a blistering glare. â€Å"Thank you, I have my own date. I'm just going to pick him up now.† On the way to the door, she looked hard at Thea. â€Å"You do have everything you need for tonight- don't you?† The vial was in Thea's pale green clutch purse. Thea still didn't know how she could possibly get it filled, but she nodded tightly. â€Å"Good.† Blaise swept out and got into a silver-gray Porsche that was parked at the curb. Kevin's car. But, as Thea knew, she wasn't going to pick up Kevin. â€Å"I think I made her mad,† Eric said. â€Å"Don't worry. Blaise likes being mad. Should we go now?† Business, business, business, Thea chanted to herself as they walked into the school cafeteria. It had been completely transformed from its daytime identity. The lights and music were oddly thrilling and the whirl of color out on the dance floor was strangely inviting. I'm not here to have fun, Thea told herself again. But her blood seemed to be sparkling. She saw Eric glance at her conspiratorially and she could almost feel what he was feeling-as if they were two kids standing hand in hand at the edge of some incredible carnival. â€Å"Uh, I should tell you,† Eric said. â€Å"I can't really dance-except for slow ones.† Oh, great. But of course this was what she was here to do. To put on a show of romancing Eric for Blaise. A slow song was starting that minute. Thea shut her eyes briefly and resigned herself to fate-which didn't seem all that awful as she and Eric stepped out onto the floor. Terpsichore, Muse of the Dance, help me not make a fool of myself. She'd never been so close to a human boy, and she'd never tried to dance to human music. But Eric didn't seem to notice her lack of experience. â€Å"You know, I can't believe this,† he said. His arms were around her lightly, almost reverently. As if he were afraid she'd break if he held her too hard. â€Å"What can't you believe?† â€Å"Well†¦Ã¢â‚¬  He shook his head. â€Å"Everything, I guess. That I'm here with you. And that it all feels so easy. And that you always smell so good.† Thea laughed in spite of herself. â€Å"I didn't use any yemonja this time-† she began, and then she almost bit her tongue. Adrenaline washed over her in a wave of painful tingles. Was she crazy? She was blurting out spell ingredients, for Earth's sake. He was too easy to talk to, that was the problem. Every so often she'd forget he wasn't a witch. â€Å"You okay?† he said as her silence stretched on. His voice was concerned. No, I am not okay. I've got Blaise on one side and the laws of the Night World on the other, and they're both out to get me. And I don't even know if you're worth it†¦. â€Å"Can I ask you something?† she said abruptly. â€Å"Why did you knock me out of the way of that snake?† â€Å"Huh? It was in a striking coil. You could have got bit.† â€Å"But so could you.† So did you. He frowned as if stricken by one of those unsolvable mysteries of life. â€Å"Yeah†¦ but that didn't seem so bad somehow. I suppose that sounds stupid.† Thea didn't know how to answer. And she was suddenly in terrible conflict about what to do. Her body seemed to want her to lean her head against Eric's shoulder, but her mind was yelling in alarm at the very thought. At that moment she heard loud voices at the edge of the dance floor. â€Å"Get out of the way,† a guy in a blue jacket was saying. â€Å"She smiled at me, and I'm going over there.† â€Å"It was me she was smiling at, you jerk,† a guy in a gray jacket snapped back. â€Å"So just back off and let me go.† Expletives. â€Å"It was me, and you'd better get out of the way.† More expletives. â€Å"It was me, and you'd better let go.† A fistfight started. Chaperones came running. Guess who's here? Thea asked herself. She had no trouble at all locating Blaise. The red-trimmed tuxedo was surrounded by a ring of guys, which was surrounded by a ring of abandoned and angry girls. â€Å"Maybe we should go over and say hi,† Thea said. She wanted to warn Blaise about starting a riot. â€Å"Okay. She sure is popular, isn't she?† They managed to worm their way through the encircling crowd. Blaise was in her element, glorying in the adulation and confusion. â€Å"I waited for an hour and a half, but you never showed up,† a very pale Kevin was saying to her. He was wearing an immaculate white silk shirt and exquisitely tailored black pants. His eyes were hollow. â€Å"Maybe you gave me the wrong address,† Blaise said thoughtfully. â€Å"I couldn't find your house.† She had her hand tucked into the arm of a very tall guy with shoulder-length blond hair, who looked as if he worked out four or five hours a day. â€Å"Anyway, you want to dance?† Kevin looked at the blond guy, who looked back impassively, his cleft chin rock hard. â€Å"Don't mind Sergio,† Blaise said. â€Å"He was just keeping me company. Do you not want to dance?† Kevin's eyes fell. â€Å"Well, yeah, of course I want to†¦.† As Blaise detached herself from Sergio, Thea leaned forward. â€Å"You'd better not do anything too public,† she hissed in her cousin's ear. â€Å"There's already been one fight.† Blaise just gave her an amused glance and took Kevin's arm. Most of the boys followed her, and with the crowd gone, Thea saw Dani at a small table. She was wearing a sparkling gold dress and she was alone. â€Å"Let's go sit,† Eric said, before Thea could even get a word out. She threw him a grateful look. â€Å"Where's John?† Thea asked as they pulled chairs to the table. Dani nodded toward the pack following Blaise. â€Å"I don't mind, though,† she said, sipping a cup of punch philosophically. â€Å"He was kind of boring. I don't know about all this dance stuff.† Thea knew she meant it was different from Circle dances, where everyone was in harmony and there was no pairing off. You danced with the elements and with everybody else, all one big interconnected whole. Eric volunteered to get more punch. â€Å"How's it going with him?† Dani asked in a low voice when he was gone. Her velvety dark eyes searched Thea's curiously. â€Å"Everything's okay so far,† Thea said evasively. Then she looked out toward the dance floor. â€Å"I see Viv and Selene are here.† â€Å"Yeah. I think Vivienne already got her blood. She stabbed Tyrone with her corsage pin.† â€Å"How clever,† Thea said. Vivienne was wearing a black dress that made her hair look like flame, and Selene was in deep violet that showed off her blondness. They both seemed to be having a wonderful time. Dani yawned. â€Å"I think I'll probably go home early-† she began, and then she broke off. Some kind of a disturbance had begun on the other side of the room, in front of the main entrance. People were scuffling. At first, Thea thought it was just another minor fracas over Blaise-but then a figure came staggering out under the lights of the dance floor. â€Å"I want to know,† the voice said in dissonant tones that rose over the music. â€Å"I want to knoooow.† The band stopped. People turned. Something about the voice made them do that. It was so obviously abnormal, the cadence wrong even for somebody who was drunk. This was someone who was disturbed. Thea stood up. â€Å"I want to knoooow,† the figure said again, sounding lost and petulant. Then it turned and Thea felt ice down her spine. The person was wearing a Halloween mask. A kid's plastic mask of a football player, the kind held on with an elastic string. Perfectly appropriate for a Halloween dance. But at Homecoming, it was grotesque. Oh, Eileithyia, Thea thought. â€Å"Can you tell me?† the figure asked a short girl in black ruffles. She backed away, reaching for her dance partner. Mr. Adkins, Thea's physics teacher, came jogging up, his tie fluttering. None of the other chaperones seemed to be around-probably because they were out somewhere trying to control fights over Blaise, Thea thought. â€Å"Okay, let's settle; settle,† Mr. Adkins said, making motions as if the figure were an unruly class. â€Å"Let's just take it easy†¦.† The guy in the Halloween mask pulled something out of his jacket. It glinted like a rainbow under the colored dance floor lights, reflective as a mirror. â€Å"A straight razor,† Dani said in a hushed voice. â€Å"Queen Ms, where'd he get that?† Something about the weapon-maybe the fact that it was so weird, so old-fashioned-made it scarier than a knife. Thea pictured the way even a safety razor could slice flesh. Mr. Adkins was backing away, arms held out as if to protect the students behind him. His eyes were frightened. I have to stop this, Thea thought. The problem was that she had no idea how. If it had been an animal, she could have stepped out and tried mind control. But she couldn't control a person. She started walking anyway, slowly, so as not to attract attention. She skirted the edge of the crowd around the dance floor until she drew parallel with the masked guy. Who by now had switched to a new question. â€Å"Have you seen her?† he said. He kept asking it as he walked, and people kept backing away. Vivienne and Selene drew to either side with their dates. The razor glittered. Thea looked toward the opposite end of the dance floor, where Blaise was standing with Kevin Imamura. With no Buck, no Duane to protect her. But Blaise didn't look frightened. That was one thing about Blaise-she had magnificent physical courage. She was standing with one hand on her hip and Thea could tell that she knew exactly who was coming her way. In between moving couples, Thea glimpsed something else. Eric was on the other side of the dance floor, holding two cups of punch in one hand and one in the other. He was keeping pace with the masked guy, just as she was. She tried to catch his eye, but the crowd was too thick. â€Å"Have you seen her?† the masked guy asked a couple right in front of Blaise. â€Å"I want to knoooow†¦.† The couple split like bowling pins. Blaise stood exposed, tall and elegant in her black suit, lights shimmering off her midnight hair. â€Å"Here I am, Randy,† she said. â€Å"What is it you want to know?† Randy Marik stopped, panting. His breath made a muffled noise against the plastic. The rest of the huge room was eerily silent. Thea moved closer, walking silently. Eric was pulling in from the other side, and he saw her for the first time. He shook his head at her and mouthed, â€Å"Stay away.† Yeah. And you're going to tackle him armed with three party cups of punch. She gave him a look and mouthed, â€Å"You stay away.† Randy's hand was trembling, making the razor flash. His chest was heaving. â€Å"What is it, Randy?† Blaise said. The toe of one high heeled shoe tapped the floor impatiently. â€Å"I feel bad,† Randy said. It was almost a moan. Suddenly his head didn't seem well connected to his neck. â€Å"I miss you.† His voice made Thea's flesh creep. He sounded like a person with the body of an eighteen-year-old and the mind of a four-year-old. â€Å"I cry all the time,† he said. With his left hand, he pulled off the Halloween mask. Kevin recoiled. Thea herself felt a wave of horror. He was crying blood. Bloody streams ran down from each of his eyes, mingling with regular tears. A spell? Thea wondered. Then she thought, no; he's cut himself. That was it. He'd made two crescent-shaped incisions under his eyes and the blood was coming from them. The rest of his face was ghastly, too. He was white as a corpse and there was fuzzy stubble on his chin. His eyes stared wildly. And his hair, which had always been strawberry blond and silky, stood up all over his head like bleached hay. â€Å"You came all the way from New Hampshire to tell me that?† Blaise said. She rolled her eyes. Randy let out a sobbing breath. This seemed to make Kevin braver. â€Å"Look, man, I don't know who you are-but you'd better keep away from her,† he said. â€Å"Why don't you go home and sober up?† It was a mistake. The wild eyes above the bloodstained cheeks focused on him. â€Å"Who are you?† Randy said thickly, advancing a step. â€Å"Who†¦ are†¦ you?† â€Å"Kevin, move!† Thea said urgently. It was too late. The hand with the razor flashed out, lightning quick. Blood spurted from Kevin's face.

How to Set Up a Marketing Plan

Somaliland Youth Development Association (SYDA) Tactical Marketing Plan Presented By: Issaq Gass Plan Overview Practice: Somaliland Policy & Reconstruction Institute (SOPRI) Name of Campaign: Somaliland Youth Development Association (SYDA) Campaign Manager: Issaq Gass Objective The objective is to open a youth complex facility which targets youth development in a country in the Horn of Africa following the market strategies specified in this plan. Target Market Product demographicsAll local schools and universities in the capital city of Hargeisa, local newspapers in the capital city, Somaliland TV, Horn Cable TV, Universal TV (The three major local TV networks in Somaliland), Flyers around every major business in the city, Twitter, Facebook, and Youtube. Target contact demographics 1) Meet with the three major Somaliland TV networks to promote the new complex and benefits for youth joining as members. 2) Flyers all around the capital city of Hargeisa at schools, universities, Major Businesses, and transportation centers. ) Advertise on major Somaliland news websites as an ad. 4) Advertise in the local major newspapers, try to get front page appearance. 5) Create Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube accounts to update news and information about the complex, take advantage of all social network feedback tools to see feedback. For examples likes, comments, tweets, and shares. 6) Discuss the new facility on the Somaliland National Radio. 7) Try to get in touch with the information ministry of the country to get an emailing list of all the youth enrolled in their system. Message SummaryThe Somaliland Policy and Reconstruction Institute (SOPRI) is an independent professional organization founded in Los Angeles, California in 1992 by a group of concerned Somali-Americans and Somalilanders who were deeply committed to help Somaliland. We will sponsor this Somaliland Youth Development Association to spearhead the high unemployment amongst the youth in the country and develop the youth everyday with community to make sure that the youth, regardless of background, has the opportunity to learn, grow and thrive in the country. Call to action Desired outcome?Sell – 50,000 memberships before opening day. Make the facility the new gathering spot for youth to not only offer enrichment programs for the youth but to help them avoid crime, drugs, and violence as well. What is the pull-through offer? Offer 500 free memberships through filling out a lottery online which we would email out to all the youth on the server as well post on all of our social media websites. Process Development list 1) Complete facility by Summer 2013 2) Create Facebook, Twitter, YouTube accounts. 3) Complete communication and deals between target contact demographics. ) Try to get a lot of government influence through our contact list. 5) Reach out to tribal sultans to help them promote amongst the specific tribes in the city. 6) Try to set up an assembly at local schools and univ ersities discussing ways they can create jobs by meeting at the facility to tackle the high unemployment amongst the youth. 7) Set up all interviews in the next few months. 8) Start lottery process for free memberships a month prior to opening. Pre – event follow up Consistently following up with the development list and target contact demographics list to make sure we are on the right path.Making sure we are gaining a lot of support throughout the capital city primarily the youth and parents of the youth. Also, daily check for feedback we might need to respond to via our social media websites. Post – event follow up Seeing if everything is going in the right direction and to see if everything was done and completed as planned. If we have time before opening possibly add more target demographics or make more appearances to broaden targets. SWOT Analysis Strengths: * SOPRI is a well-known and well established organization in Somaliland. We have the trust and support thr oughout the nation. SOPRI’S executive committee members and general members will strive to reach out to all target contacts that we already have a close relationship with for the most part. * Organization members will be working free of charge to help the make this facility a success. * The wide array of experience the members have will help make the process smooth. * SOPRI already has the capital to invest into the project from previous donations and fundraisers. * The Facility will enrich the youth. Weaknesses: * This will be the first time we sponsor a project that requires building a facility. Balancing time to contact the workers and organization members on the ground since time difference is 8 hours. * Lack of experience in this field. Opportunities: * If successful, it will become the first official youth complex in the country. * It will help build the esteem of the organization by tackling high employment rates, creating jobs, and enriching the youth. * It will be a location where the youth of country could meet and hold events. * It will build loyalty for us in the future for other business ventures to the same caliber.Threats: * Local indoor soccer stadiums. * Local gyms. * Local event halls. Project Plan: EVENT| CO-ORDINATOR| ESTIMATED WORK HOURS| Contact local newspapers| SOPRI members on ground| 5| Contact local TV networks| SOPRI members on ground| 1 week| Contact local schools and universities| SOPRI members on ground| 1 week| Create and manage social media| SOPRI Executive Committee| Continuously| Flyer creation and distribution| SOPRI members on ground| 2 months| Contact Somaliland news websites for advertisements| SOPRI Executive Committee| 5 ays| Manage entire marketing campaign| Issaq| Continuously| Distribution: The goal is to have our memberships ready and easily available to students both in K-12 and universities. Memberships will be sold all over the city at every major business office as well as every school district and univer sity. We will also have a website where students could buy it online. The memberships will be available all over Somalilands capital city Hargeisa. Which would make accessibility and exposure a lot easier.There will be 5 mediums of marketing for this facility(press, social media, flyers, emails and television) guaranteeing great exposure and accessibility so that we could capture and gain as many members as possible. Marketing Function and costs Medium| Base Cost| Duration| Total| Somaliland News websites| 0| Continuous| 0| Somaliland Newspapers| 0| Continuous| 0 | Facebook| 0| 0| 0| Twitter| 0| 0| 0| Somaliland TV networks| 0| 0| 0| *Since it’s for a good cause for the nations development a lot of our target contacts agreed for it to be free of charge until the project is completed.Metrics and Expectations: * To gain as many members as possible to help reduce unemployment rates, drug use, and crime in the city. * To enrich the youth through sports, events, tutoring, and gath erings. * To help the youth come together to build business plans of needs throughout the nation so we could then try to sell their ideas to the major corporations and business owners for funding. * Using SOPRI’s existing relationships to make this project a success. * Secure all outlets on our target contact demographics list to successfully reach our market plan strategies.